Dec 22, 2025
Beyond Invisible Labour: Reframing Care and Development - Lina Ayoub

Beyond Invisible Labour: Reframing Care and Development - Lina Ayoub


Care has always been humanity’s first profession. Before states, markets, or formal economies took shape, it was care that fed, healed, comforted, raised, and sustained life. It formed the silent architecture on which societies were built. Yet across centuries, this architecture was pushed into the private sphere, feminised, and treated as an endlessly renewable resource rather than a foundational system. What was once recognised as the labour that makes all other labour possible became naturalised, invisible, and taken for granted.

Globally, this paradox persists. Oxfam estimates that women perform 12.5 billion hours of unpaid care work every day, labour worth at least $10.8 trillion annually if valued at minimum wage. The International Labour Organization warns of a deepening global care crisis: demographic shifts, rising chronic illness, widening inequality, austerity, and climate change are expanding care needs faster than states and markets can respond. The burden falls unevenly, shaped by gender, class, geography, and the historical ways societies have organised social reproduction.

Tunisia sits firmly within this global landscape, yet its pressures are distinct. Behind political volatility and economic stagnation lies a quieter crisis: the country’s entire development model rests on a deeply gendered system of care and social reproduction. Tunisian women, especially in rural regions and low-income households, carry the triple responsibility of income generation, caregiving, and community maintenance. Their labour fills the gaps left by shrinking public services, austerity-driven policy choices, and widening regional inequalities. This work sustains households and stabilizes communities, yet it remains uncounted, unsupported, and structurally undervalued. It is neither peripheral nor accidental; it is the hidden engine of Tunisia’s economy.

Feminist economics and social reproduction theory help illuminate this reality with clarity. Care is not auxiliary to the economy; it is its invisible infrastructure. Social reproduction encompasses the labour of raising children, supporting elders, sustaining households, nurturing emotional and social bonds, and preserving cultural knowledge. While some of this work occurs through public institutions, the majority takes place within households and relies overwhelmingly on women’s unpaid time. Conventional economic indicators- GDP, employment rates, productivity metrics - consistently exclude this labour and thereby exclude women’s contributions. Each hour spent on unpaid care is an hour subtracted from paid work, skill-building, or rest. This “time poverty” is one of the most persistent and least acknowledged drivers of gender inequality.

Tunisia embodies this tension vividly. Women perform more than four times the unpaid care work of men, averaging 17 hours per week according to UN Women ,and far more in rural settings where services are scarce. The consequence is visible in labour-force statistics: despite high levels of education, Tunisian women’s employment remains among the lowest in the region. The barrier is not a lack of willingness to work; it is the structural impossibility of reconciling paid employment with the unrecognised labour required for daily survival. Talent is not the constraint; time is.

Assigning monetary value to care can help illuminate its magnitude, but care cannot be fully captured by wages or GDP. It is relational, emotional, rooted in kinship, community, and interdependence. At the same time, paid work is no longer a matter of luxury or aspiration for women. Across Tunisia and much of the Global South, economic pressures make women’s income indispensable for household survival, even as they carry this dual burden with the least institutional recognition.

Tunisia’s care crisis is shaped by several intertwined forces. Childcare remains limited, expensive, or poorly regulated. Eldercare and disability services are fragmented and unevenly distributed, with interior regions facing the widest gaps. Rural families navigate long distances to healthcare, chronic shortages of transportation, and the daily work of compensating for absent services- all dynamics that intensify unpaid care responsibilities. Climate change adds new layers: rising heat, water scarcity, and agricultural shocks increase the time required to secure basic needs, often forcing women and girls to absorb even more unpaid labour. Meanwhile, fiscal consolidation and austerity continue to reduce public investment in health, education, and social protection, shifting responsibility back to households.

In this context, Tunisia’s labour market is quietly organised around care. Women cluster in informal or flexible sectors not because these jobs are desirable, but because they offer the only possible reconciliation with caregiving: seasonal agricultural work, home-based production, informal services, and micro-enterprises. These forms of labour lack security, social protection, and any real prospects for upward mobility. The economy therefore reproduces gender inequality through the very structure of available work. Low female labour participation is not a personal choice; it is a systemic outcome.

The consequences extend beyond households. Care-driven absenteeism and attrition reduce productivity across both public and private sectors. National GDP suffers. A country that cannot mobilise half its human capital, despite high education levels, will inevitably limit its own development potential. The constraint is not capability but time, and the system that organises it.

Yet, if care is the invisible foundation of the economy, it can also be the foundation of a different development model. Investing in care is not a social burden but a strategic opportunity. The ILO shows that care-sector investment creates more jobs than traditional infrastructure and that these jobs are more resilient during crises.

A care economy is not merely a list of services; it requires institutional willingness. Tunisia needs community-based childcare, subsidised and regulated preschool options, day centers and respite services for elders, rehabilitation and support for persons with disabilities, and a strengthened primary healthcare system capable of reducing the unpaid care load on households. Without such pillars, care continues to collapse back into the private sphere, reinforcing time poverty and structural inequality.

Legal clarity is also essential. Domestic care work in Tunisia remains largely excluded from the Labour Code, and enforcement of contracts or social protections is minimal. Ratifying ILO Convention 189 on decent work for domestic workers would signal a shift toward recognising care as labour deserving rights, dignity, and regulation. Integrating domestic and community-based care workers into social security, clarifying employer obligations, and simplifying registration systems would gradually move this hidden sector into formality. No care economy can be built on invisible labour; rights are the entry point for recognition.

From this perspective, the most meaningful recommendations are those rooted in Tunisia’s structural realities, not imported templates. A national care strategy must begin with measurement: regular time-use surveys, care dependency ratios, and gender-responsive budgeting that reflects real household dynamics. Labour-market policies need to recognise time as a resourcethrough flexible arrangements, parental leave for both parents, and stronger enforcement against workplace discrimination.  


References

International Labour Organization (ILO).

ILO (2018). Care Work and Care Jobs for the Future of Decent Work.

Oxfam International.

Oxfam (2020). Time to Care: Unpaid and Underpaid Care Work and the Global Inequality Crisis.

UN Women.

UN Women (2020). In Tunisia: Towards Recognizing, Reducing and Redistributing Unpaid Care Work.

Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES).

FES (2024). Social Reproduction in Tunisia: Gendered and Regional Dimensions.

World Bank.

World Bank (2024). Female Labour-Force Participation Rates and Labour-Market Indicators.

GIZ – Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit. GIZ (2023). Tunisia Climate Vulnerability Assessments.

UNDP – United Nations Development Programme.

UNDP (2021–2023). Gender, Resilience, and Social Protection in the Arab States.

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