Nov 15, 2024
2024 Elections in Tunisia: Democratic Test Amid Controversy

2024 Elections in Tunisia: Democratic Test Amid Controversy



 

On the evening of Monday, October 7, 2024, candidate Kais Saied was declared the winner of a second presidential term in Tunisia with 90.69 percent of the votes. However, the victory was marred with widespread controversy over participation rates, the democracy and integrity of the elections, their legal procedures, and potential repercussions on the entire Tunisian political environment.


Opinions were divided over the recent elections between those who considered them an opportunity for change and those who saw them as a "spectacle" to renew the president's term and bolster his regime's declining legitimacy. During this ongoing controversy, most declared presidential candidates faced prosecution and imprisonment. Several political figures and parties said it was impossible to pick a president democratically under Saied's rule and called for a boycott of the elections.


On April 6, 2024, Saied stated that he would not accept the candidacy of groups that throw themselves into the arms of foreign powers, as he called it. That month, the National Salvation Front, the largest opposition coalition, announced that it would not participate, claiming the "lack of competition rules." Conversely, the authorities claimed that the elections had met the conditions of integrity, transparency, and fair competition.


On July 19, 2024, Saied officially announced his candidacy for the elections scheduled for October 6. On September 2, the Independent High Authority for Elections approved the final list of candidates, which included, in addition to Kais Saied, the head of the People’s Movement, Zuhair al-Maghzawi, and the head of the Azimoun movement, Ayachi Zemal.


The elections were held per the 2022 constitution drafted by Saied, in which he granted himself broad executive and legislative powers and immunity from questioning and accountability while reducing the powers of parliament and the judiciary. The Independent High Authority for Elections was tasked with supervising the electoral process. However, its mission had been limited to adjudicating cases of abuse of power that contested administrative decisions. Its regulatory laws were later amended (in 2014) to give it more independence and supremacy in its decisions, especially in electoral disputes, which grant it jurisdiction over the electoral process.


Four main issues can be highlighted in a brief reading of the recent elections.



Restrictions on Political Work


The elections were held while 20 opponents were arrested, including Rached Ghannouchi, the leader of the Ennahda Movement, and Abir Moussi, the head of the Free Constitutional Party. They joined former ministers, deputies, and businessmen detained on various charges, including "conspiring against state security." Many opposition figures and human rights activists have been placed under house arrest or banned from traveling.



Restrictions on Election Monitoring


In a notable development, the Independent Higher Commission for Elections (Elections Commission) rejected the accreditation of several associations interested in monitoring the elections. It said it was notified by authorities that these associations received suspicious foreign funding and large sums of money. Some of those funds came from countries that do not have diplomatic relations with Tunisia. A statement by the Elections Commission stated that information about these associations had been referred to the relevant authorities to take necessary actions. Commission member Najla Al-Abrouqi also revealed that Ana Yaqeth organization and the Mourakiboun monitoring association should be referred to the Public Prosecution on charges of foreign funding. The two organizations enjoy credibility in election monitoring among Tunisians and international organizations specialized in democracy, human rights, and development, as they have played a role in monitoring the various electoral stages that Tunisia has witnessed since 2011. In response to the accusations, Ana Yaqeth said the Elections Commission "is trying, by all means, to exclude civil society organizations from observing the elections under flimsy pretexts, reinforcing the absence of integrity in the electoral process."


Nevertheless, the law grants associations and civil society organizations the right to monitor the elections and leaves the accreditation conditions and procedures with the Elections Commission.



A Judicial-Administrative Dispute and Questioning the Independence of the Elections Commission


The 2024 presidential elections saw a challenge related to the lack of respect for the principles of the rule of law and institutions, especially the separation of powers, the independence of the judiciary, and, consequently, the right to a fair trial and justice in implementing court decisions. It came against the backdrop of the ongoing controversy between the Elections Commission and the Supreme Administrative Court regarding the latter's decisions that the Commission ignored.


The Administrative Court had accepted the appeals of three presidential candidates and decided to allow them to return to the electoral race, thus canceling the Commission's decisions that had dismissed them "without legal justification," as the three candidates described it and as implicitly stated in the court’s decision. The court also requested that the Commission reconsider the electoral calendar to allow them to launch their campaign. However, the Elections Commission surprised observers by refusing the Administrative Court's decision and continuing to exclude the three candidates.


The Elections Commission's decision drew much criticism from legal experts, human rights activists, political figures, parties, and organizations. It was described as "arbitrary", "exclusionary," and biased in favor of the current head of state. It was accused of becoming a "tool of the executive authority," losing its independence and thus its credibility. It was stripped of the neutrality that it was known for since its establishment in 2011, during the first genuinely multi-party elections in the country, following the January 14, 2011 revolution.


Amnesty International called on the Tunisian authorities to put an end to the increasing repression of fundamental freedoms. It said in a statement that the escalation in arbitrary arrests of opposition politicians, marginalization of candidates, and violation of judicial decisions is a cause for concern and suspicion. It continued that criminal charges are often used to silence opposition voices, while the media and non-governmental organizations are strictly restricted as a means of gagging and spreading fear among regime opponents. Amnesty International in Tunisia condemned the Elections Commission's refusal to comply with judicial decisions that reinstate some presidential candidates, which represented a new blow to the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law.


The political and public environment expected the Elections Commission to reverse its decision to ensure the election's transparency and integrity. However, the latter insisted on its position. Its president, Farouk Bouasker, announced again the continued exclusion of the three candidates: Imad Daimi, Mondher Zenaidi, and Abdel Latif Mekki. He accused the Administrative Court of violating legal procedures, which the court categorically denied by presenting documents confirming the integrity of its methods and steps per the law and the penal code regulating the court's work and its jurisdiction.


Regardless of the controversy between the two institutions, the three candidates were ultimately excluded, keeping the three they had previously accepted: President Kais Saied, Zuhair Maghzaoui (Secretary-General of the People's Movement), and Al-Ayachi Al-Zammal (Head of the Azimoun Movement), who was imprisoned pending trial for the "crimes of forging popular endorsements," according to the authorities' accusations.


The executive authority rushed to publish the commission's decision in the Official Gazette of the Tunisian Republic to cut off any hope of going back, as President Saied kept repeating. The executive authority even provided the Elections Commission with a shipment of electoral ink and "safe bags" for ballot papers. In a registered letter, it stated that the matter of the three candidates whose candidacy it insisted on dropping had been irrevocably resolved and that the Elections Commission's choice was sound and logical, in the authority's estimation.


Low turnout


The Elections Commission announced that 2,808,548 votes were cast, equivalent to 28.8 percent of the total registered voters of 9,753,217. The rate is much lower than in the presidential elections in 2014 (64 percent) and 2019 (45 percent).



Was it a democratic stage?


Based on the international principles and standards for free and fair elections adopted by electoral democracy networks and based on the conclusions reached after monitoring the political process, which included President Kais Saied, elected in 2019, granting himself exceptional powers in July 2021, claiming that they were necessary to deal with the governance crisis. He proceeded to suspend articles of the 2014 constitution, dissolve parliament, and organize a referendum to amend the constitution. After its approval with a low turnout, the referendum canceled the most significant reform gains and was a setback in the democratic process. The authorities also took a series of repressive measures against opponents. Political figures, parties, and organizations faced house arrest, travel bans, and prosecution for public criticism of the president or the authorities. The police forces often used excessive force against demonstrators.


In conclusion, the presidential elections held on October 6 violated international standards for democracy and elections. Thus, they did not adhere to the principles and foundations that lead to a genuine and correct representation of the citizens' wills.


Since 2021, Tunisians have rejected Saied's measures ten years after the end of the dictatorship in 2011, which led to a monopoly of power and its concentration in the hands of one man.


The rejection was evident in the reluctance of more than 90 percent to participate in previous elections, the constitutional referendum, parliamentary elections, and local elections. More than 70 percent did not vote in the presidential elections. Moreover, there are questions regarding the participation rate due to the delay in issuing the final results. Some "observers" believe that the rates may have been manipulated, that they point to disappointment with the political path that has turned against democratic reforms, and that this has led to questioning the legitimacy of the regime and a lack of confidence in the ruling system.


Consequently, elections must be based on international standards of freedom, integrity, justice, transparency, and equal opportunities. They need to respect the principle of separation of powers and implement judicial rulings issued by the Administrative Court, as this constitutes respect for the principle of equal opportunities and the application of electoral democratic standards.



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