Climate Justice in Tunisia: From Unequal Risks to Equitable Policies

The climate crisis is no longer merely an environmental issue involving rising temperatures and declining precipitation; it has become a human rights, social, and economic issue affecting fundamental rights, particularly the rights to water, food, health, work, and housing. Although climate change is a global phenomenon, its impacts are not distributed equally among populations and social groups. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) confirms that communities that have historically contributed the least to the crisis bear a disproportionate share of its adverse effects [1]. Climate justice therefore involves scrutinizing patterns of production and consumption, ensuring the equitable distribution of resources, and holding countries responsible for the largest shares of emissions accountable for financing adaptation efforts and addressing climate-related loss and damage.

This inequality is particularly evident among women and children, whose vulnerability to climate change is compounded by their socioeconomic circumstances and access to essential services. Women, particularly in rural areas and the informal sector, may face income losses due to declining agricultural activity, limited social protection, and increased burden in securing water, food, and family care. Children, meanwhile, are especially vulnerable to droughts, floods, and heatwaves because of their dependence on safe water, adequate nutrition, healthcare, and education. In 2021, UNICEF estimated that approximately one billion children lived in 33 countries classified as being at the highest risk from climate change [2]. Although this figure does not specifically concern Tunisia, it illustrates the global intersection of climate risks and inadequate access to essential services. In Tunisia, this issue is particularly significant given water stress, regional disparities, and the vulnerability of certain economic sectors, raising a fundamental question about the equitable distribution of climate-related harm and access to adaptation measures.

This question becomes particularly pressing when considering water resources as one of the key environmental and social factors shaping Tunisia’s future. According to the World Bank, renewable freshwater availability does not exceed 380 cubic meters per person annually, well below the internationally recognized threshold for absolute water scarcity. The Bank estimates that water scarcity could reduce GDP by approximately 6.4% by 2050, while water and climate pressures could threaten at least 30% of agricultural jobs by mid-century unless adequate measures are taken [3]. Although these figures are projections rather than actual losses, they show that the water crisis threatens not only natural ecosystems but also production, employment, income, and social stability.

The problem extends beyond water availability to include water quality and unequal access. Tunisia’s 2023 Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) found that the drinking water sources of 12.5% of the population were contaminated with Escherichia coli (E. coli), with rates reaching 21% in rural areas compared with 8.3% in urban areas. The rate was also 23.2% among the poorest population groups, compared with 5.9% among the wealthiest [4]. These disparities highlight how the water crisis intersects with social and geographic inequalities, placing additional health and livelihood burdens on low-income households and rural communities. As resources decline or service quality deteriorates, not everyone can afford to purchase water or secure safe alternatives, turning scarcity from a general environmental problem into issue of justice in resource and service distribution.

These imbalances are also evident in the labor market, where the capacity to cope with climate risks varies according to the nature of employment, economic circumstances, and available protection. Small-scale farmers who rely on rainfall may lose part or all of their harvest without having the resources to improve production techniques, while female agricultural workers may lose working days and income as agricultural activity declines. Workers in construction, transport, and fisheries also face heat-related risks, which can lead to reduced productivity, loss of income, or health issues— particularly in the absence of preventive measures and social protection. Climate change thus affects not only employment opportunities but also working conditions and job security, increasing the vulnerability of those who depend on daily or seasonal work.

In Tunisia’s agricultural sector, this vulnerability has a clear gender dimension. In a January 2023 statement on the implementation of the National Action Plan on Gender and Climate Change, the Ministry of Environment reported that women account for approximately 70% of the agricultural workforce, compared with 15% of permanent wage earners and 8% of employers, according to data provided at the time by the Ministry of Family, Women, Children, and the Elderly [5]. These figures reveal a disparity between women’s contribution to agricultural production and their limited representation in stable employment and business ownership. As production declines or resource costs rise, their livelihoods become more precarious, while domestic and caregiving burdens continue to grow. The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) reports that many female agricultural workers in Tunisia face low and irregular incomes and unsafe working conditions, with climate pressures further exacerbating existing risks and inequalities [6]. Recognizing women’s role in addressing the climate crisis is therefore insufficient without improving their working conditions, strengthening their economic protection, and ensuring their meaningful participation in policymaking.

Local experiences give these indicators a tangible dimension. In Ain Draham, a field report published in February 2025 documented a decline in the quantities of medicinal and aromatic plants collected by women in the Tabainia area due to reduced rainfall and rising temperatures, threatening livelihoods dependent on forest ecosystems and natural resources [7]. This case illustrates how climate and environmental degradation affects women’s incomes and household stability, particularly where economic alternatives are limited. Similarly, a study by the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights on female cattle farmers in Mahdia Governorate found that declining rainfall and rising feed prices make it increasingly difficult to maintain herds and sustain production, sometimes forcing farmers to sell cattle to keep operating [8]. The crisis thus extends beyond rainfall shortages to include high feed costs, limited financial resources, and inadequate social protection.

The link between inadequate essential services and social rights is also evident in the Saqdoud area of Redeyef (Radeef), where press reports in 2022 indicated that the local primary school had lacked drinking water for eight years before being reconnected to the network following local interventions [9]. Although this case does not establish a direct link between climate change and the water shortage, it highlights the impact of inadequate infrastructure on children’s lives and their right to a suitable school environment. Lack of water at school affects health, hygiene, and learning, with consequences that may worsen during droughts or heatwaves. Similarly, coastal areas such as Kerkennah and Monastir face erosion and rising sea levels, threatening residential communities and the livelihoods of small-scale fishers. These cases show that exposure to climate risks is also shaped by the services, investment, and protection available in each region.

Against this backdrop, internal migration, which may intensify with drought and declining economic activity, cannot be attributed to climate factors alone. It must also be understood as a potential result of the interaction between environmental pressures, regional marginalization, and limited employment opportunities and services. Likewise, heavy rainfall does not necessarily cause equal losses across regions. Poor urban planning, inadequate infrastructure maintenance, and alterations to natural drainage channels can worsen the impact of floods. The extent of losses therefore depends partly on resource management, planning, and disaster preparedness, making public policy accountability an essential component of climate justice.

Addressing these challenges requires redirecting water and production policies toward resource protection and equitable access. Prioritizing drinking water and basic needs, reducing leaks in distribution networks, and promoting safe wastewater treatment and reuse must be accompanied by the regular, transparent publication of data on water reserves, quality, and distribution. Agricultural and industrial policies must also be assessed based on their actual water consumption and impact on local resources. The concept of "virtual water"—the water used to produce goods—raises questions about the suitability of certain export-oriented activities in the context of water scarcity. However, addressing this issue requires a scientific assessment of each crop, activity, and water basin, rather than assuming that all exports have the same water consumption or economic impact. Policies should also support small-scale farmers and producers and promote drought-resilient production methods, while balancing resource conservation, the population’s needs, and the protection of livelihoods.

Water reforms must also be accompanied by social and occupational protection for workers exposed to extreme heat and climate-related risks. This includes strengthening heat-stress prevention measures, adapting working conditions to risk levels, and expanding health and social protection coverage for workers in agriculture, construction, transport, and fisheries. Legal mechanisms to compensate for health and occupational harm caused by climate risks should also be explored, along with the possibility of establishing a national compensation mechanism for climate-related losses suffered by small-scale farmers, female agricultural workers, and fishers. Such a mechanism would require transparent eligibility and funding criteria, as well as independent oversight to prevent the misallocation of resources and ensure they reach the intended beneficiaries.

In parallel, territorial justice requires directing environmental and water-related investments toward regions with inadequate infrastructure and services. This includes improving the maintenance of dams, watercourses, and rural roads, and developing early-warning systems for floods and heatwaves. Urban planning must also be reviewed to preserve natural areas that facilitate water drainage, improve rainwater drainage networks, and expand green spaces and shaded areas. In coastal regions, interventions should be based on assessments of local risks, residents’ needs, and livelihoods, with affected communities involved in determining protection and adaptation measures. The success of these policies also depends on integrating the needs of women and children into climate planning, implementing the National Action Plan on Gender and Climate Change, expanding funding and training opportunities for rural women and female agricultural workers, and ensuring the continuity of health, water, and education services in the most vulnerable areas.

These reforms require transparent, participatory governance to translate national commitments into concrete action. Civil society and relevant practice groups have an important role in documenting the crisis’s effects on women, children, small-scale producers, and outdoor workers, verifying data, and monitoring the implementation of policies, budgets, and climate commitments. The right to access information on water, energy, and climate finance must also be strengthened, alongside participatory mechanisms bringing together local communities, researchers, experts, associations, and relevant authorities. The involvement of affected communities should extend beyond token (symbolic) consultations to include developing solutions, monitoring their implementation, and evaluating their impact.

The 31st Conference of the Parties (COP31), scheduled to take place in Antalya, Turkey, from November 9 to 20, 2026, offers an opportunity to connect Tunisia’s priorities with international discussions on climate finance, adaptation, loss and damage, and a just transition [10]. Participation should involve advocating for accessible and sustainable climate finance that takes account of limited resources and social needs, supports technology transfer and local capacity building, and avoids placing an unfair burden on households, workers, and low-income groups. International funding should also target concrete priorities, including protecting water resources, supporting small-scale producers, expanding social protection, and improving essential services in the most vulnerable regions. Civil society can strengthen these demands by bringing documented local experiences to regional and international forums, presenting actionable proposals that can be monitored, and calling for clear indicators to assess the impact of policies and funding on social and economic rights.

Climate justice in Tunisia goes beyond protection from droughts, heatwaves, and floods. It also means ensuring fairness in the distribution of water, investments, and social protection, and holding accountable the policies that determine who bears the losses and who has access to adaptation measures. The success of climate action is measured not only by the scale of technical projects but also by their ability to protect rights and reduce disparities between regions, social groups, and generations. Strengthening national resilience therefore requires combining resource conservation, social justice, and transparent governance while ensuring the meaningful participation of affected communities in decision-making.

References

1. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). (2023). Climate Change 2023: Synthesis Report — Summary for Policymakers.
https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/syr/summary-for-policymakers/

2. United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). (2021). The Climate Crisis Is a Child Rights Crisis: Introducing the Children’s Climate Risk Index.
https://www.unicef.org/reports/climate-crisis-child-rights-crisis

3. World Bank. (2026, September 22). Tunisia’s Water Challenge: From Scarcity to Resilience.
World Bank – Tunisia’s Water Challenge

4. National Institute of Statistics, UNICEF and partners. (2024). Résultats de l’enquête par grappes à indicateurs multiples (MICS) – Tunisie 2023.
UNICEF Tunisia – MICS 2023 Results

5. Tunisian Ministry of Environment. (2023, January 23). Mise en œuvre du Plan d’action national genre et changements climatiques.
Tunisian Ministry of Environment – Gender and Climate Change

6. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). (2026, February 6). Advancing Social Protection for Women Farmers in Tunisia.
FAO – Advancing Social Protection for Women Farmers

7. Environmental Horizons and Development Magazine / Development Action Center. (2025, February 1). Rural Tunisian Women Deprived of Their Only Source of Livelihood Due to Climate Change.
https://www.maan-ctr.org/magazine/article/4422/

8. Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights, Environmental and Climate Justice Platform. (2024, December 23). The Situation of Female Cattle Farmers in Mahdia Governorate Amid the Climate Crisis.
Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights – Mahdia

9. Mosaique FM. (2022, September 16). مدرسة السقدود بالرديف: الأولياء يغلقون المدرسة احتجاجًا على انقطاع الماء.
Mosaique FM – Source website

10. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). (2026). UN Climate Change Conference — COP31, Antalya, 9–20 November 2026.
https://unfccc.int/cop31/about